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Book 6 Minor Writers
Translator’s Biographical Notice.
[1151] De illustr. viris., ch. 73. [The dates which are known suggest conjectural dates of our author’s birth and death.]
[1152] In the 32d chapter of the seventh book of his Ecclesiastical History.
[1153] [“There were giants in those days.” How gloriously, even in the poverty and distress of the martyr-ages, the cultivation of learning was established by Christianity!]
[1154] [This Eusebius was a learned man, born at Alexandria.]
The Paschal Canon of Anatolius of Alexandria.
[1155] First edited from ancient manuscript by Ægidius Bucherius, of the Society of Jesus.
[1156] Circulos. [Note the reference to Hippolytus.]
[1157] Gressus. Vol. v. p. 3; also Bunsen, i. pp. 13, 281.]
[1158] [It seems probable that the hegemony which Alexandria had established in all matters of learning led to that full recognition of it, by the Council of Nicæa, which made its bishop the dictator to the whole Church in the annual calculation of Easter. Vol. ii. 343.]
[1159] i.e., “smith” or “brasier,” probably from his assiduity.
[1160] Lunæ vii. Perhaps, as Bucher conjectures, Lunæ xiv., fourteen days, &c.
[1161] The text is doubtful and corrupt here.
[1162] Aliquid stillicidii.
[1163] [The Church’s Easter-calculations created modern astronomy, which passed to the Arabians from the Church. (See Whewell’s Inductive Sciences.) They preserved it, but did not improve it, in Spain. Christianity re-adopted it, and the presbyter Copernicus new-created it. The court of Rome (not the Church Catholic) persecuted Galileo; but it did so under the lead of professional “Science,’” which had darkened the human mind, from the days of Pythagoras, respecting his more enlightened system.]
[1164] The word is ἄφεσις, which Valesius makes equivalent to ἀφετηρια, the rope or post from which the chariots started in the race, and so = starting-point.—Tr.
[1165] περιοδου.
[1166] πρὸς αὐτῶν—others read πρό, before them.
[1167] Anatolius writes that there were two Agathobuli with the surname Masters; but I fear that he is wrong in his opinion that they were more ancient than Philo and Josephus. For Agathobulus, the philosopher, flourished in the times of Adrian, as Eusebius writes in his Chronicon, and after him Georgius Syncellus.—Vales.
[1168] ᾽Αριστοβούλου τοῦ πάνυ—Rufinus erroneously renders it Aristobulum ex Paneade, Aristobulus of Paneas. Scaliger also, in his Animadversiones Eusebianæ, p. 130, strangely thinks that the text should be corrected from the version of Rufinus. And Bede, in his De Ratione Computi, also follows the faulty rendering of Rufinus, and writes Aristobulus et Paniada, as though the latter word were the proper name of a Jewish writer, finding probably in the Codex of Rufinus, which he possessed, the reading Aristobulus et Paneada, which indeed is found in a very ancient Paris manuscript, and also in the Codex Corbeiensis. But that that Aristobulus was not one of the seventy translators, as Anatolius writes, is proved by Scaliger in the work cited above. This Aristobulus was also surnamed διδάσκαλος, or Master, as we see from the Maccabees ii. 1. For I do not agree with Scaliger in distinguishing this Aristobulus, of whom mention is made in the Maccabees, from the Peripatetic philosopher who dedicated his Commentaries on the Law of Moses to Ptolemy Philometor—Vales. [See vol. ii. p. 487, and Elucidation II. p. 520, same volume, this series.]
[1169] τὰ διαβητήρια θόειν.
[1170] κυριακὰς ἀποδείξεις—Christophorsonus renders it ratas; Rufinus gives validissimas assertiones. The Greeks use κύριος in this sense, κυρίαι δίκαι, δοξαι, &c., decisive, valid, judgments, opinions, &c.
[1171] The text gives ἀπαιτῶν ὧν περιῄρηται, &c.; various codices read ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν, &c. Valesius now proposes ὕλας ἀπαιτῶν· ᾧ περι ᾑρηται, I shall pass on without…for the veil is removed from me.
[1172] An apocryphal book of some antiquity, which professes to proceed from the patriarch of that name, but of whose existence prior to the Christian era there is no real evidence. The first author who clearly refers to it by name is Tertullian. [Vol. iii. p. 62, and iv. 380.]
[1173] xiv. luna. The Romans used the phrase luna prima, secunda, &c., as meaning, the first, second day, &c., after new moon.—Tr.
[1175] Exod. xii. 15; Levit. xxiii. 6.
[1176] Matt. xxvi. 17; Mark xiv. 12; Luke xxii. 7.
[1177] But the text gives 12th.
[1178] [Vol. iii. p. 630. The convenire ad of Irenæus is thus shown to be geographical, not ecclesiastical. Vol. i. pp. 415, 569.]
[1181] Lucidum.
[1183] Celeberrimus, honoured, solemn.
[1184] Solemn.
[1185] [The sanctification of the Lord’s Day is thus shown to be a Christian principle. The feast of Easter was the Great Lord’s Day, but the rule was common to the weekly Easter.]
[1186] Annorum circuli principium inchoandum est.
[1187] Bissextile reckoning. [Compare note 2, p. 110, supra.]
[1188] Bissextile reckoning. [Compare note 2, p. 110, supra.]
[1189] In quo autumnalis novissima pars vincitur.
[1190] Lunæ orsibus.
[1191] Diminuitur. [This year (1886) we have the lowest possible Easter.]
[1192] Temporum confinia.
[1193] [Compare what is said of Hippolytus, vol. v. p. 3, this series. See the valuable work of Professor Seabury on the Calendar, ed. 1872.]
Fragments of the Books on Arithmetic.
[1194] Fabricius, Biblioth. Græca, ed. Harles, vol. iii. p. 462. Hamburg, 1793.
[1195] θεωρίας καὶ πράξεως.
[1196] μαθήματα.
[1197] τὸ ἐπιστημονικόν.
[1198] μάθησιν.
[1199] εἰλικρινῆ, absolute.
[1200] ὕλην.
[1201] νοητήν.
[1202] θεωρητικός.
[1203] τοὺς πρὸς ἄλληλα λόγους.
[1204] σώματα, substances.
[1205] ἐπιστήμη θεωρητική.
[1206] πρὸς τὴν τῶν ὑποπιπτόντων δόσιν.
[1207] Iliad, iv. 442–443 (Pope).
[1208] σημείου καὶ γραμμῆς.
[1209] τὸ ἀρχιτεκτονικόν.
[1210] ἀναλογίας.
[1211] ἀρχάς, beginnings.
[1212] περιπέτεια, reversal of circumstances on which the plot of a tragedy hinges.
[1213] A native of Abdera, in Thrace, born about 460 b.c., and, along with Leucippus, the founder of the philosophical theory of atoms, according to which the creation of all things was explained as being due to the fortuitous combination of an infinite number of atoms floating in infinite space.
[1214] A famous physician, a native of Bithynia, but long resident in great repute at Rome in the middle of the first century b.c. He adopted the Epicurean doctrine of atoms and pores, and tried to form a new theory of disease, on the principle that it might be in all cases reduced to obstruction of the pores and irregular distribution of the atoms.
[1215] ὄγκοις.
[1216] [Wisdom 11.20; Ecclesiasticus 38.29; 42.7.]
[1217] τὴν ἐπιστημονικὴν θεωρίαν.
[1218] συλλήβδην καταλαβεῖν πόσα τῇ ὡρισμένῃ οὐσίᾳ συμβέβηκεν.
[1219] A native of Rhodes, a disciple of Aristotle, and editor of his works.
[1220] A native of Chios, mentioned by Plato in connection with Anaxagoras, and therefore supposed by some to have been a contemporary of the latter sage.
[1221] περίστασιν, revolution.
[1222] Of Miletus, one of the sages, and founder of the Ionic school.
[1223] Of Miletus, born 610 b.c., the immediate successor of Thales in the Ionic school of philosophy.
[1224] μετέωρος.
[1225] Of Miletus, the third in the series of Ionic philosophers.
[1226] απεχουσιν ἀλλήλων.
Translator’s Biographical Notice.
[1227] Euseb., Hist. Eccles., vi. 11. [Narcissus must have been born about a.d. 121. Might have known Polycarp.]
[1228] Ibid., vi. 46. [Narcissus lived till a.d. 237, and died a martyr, aged 116.]
[1229] [He was a pupil of Pantænus, continued under Clement, and defended Origen against the severity of Demetrius. Two dates which are conjectural are adjusted to these facts. I find it difficult to reconcile them with those implied by Eusebius.]
I. An Epistle to the People of Antioch.
[1230] A fragment. In Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., book vi. ch. xi.
[1231] It was the opinion of Jerome in his Catalogusthat the Clement spoken of by Alexander was Clement of Alexandria. This Clement, at any rate, did live up to the time of the Emperor Severus, and sojourned in these parts, as he tells us himself in the first book of his Stromateis. And he was also the friend of bishop Alexander, to whom he dedicated his book On the Ecclesiastical Canon, or Against the Jews, as Eusebius states in his Eccles. Hist., book vi. ch. xiii. (Migne). [But from the third of these epistles one would certainly draw another inference. How could he, a pupil of Clement, describe and introduce his master in such terms as he uses here?]
II. From an Epistle to the Antinoites.
[1232] In Euseb., Hist. Eccles., book vi. ch. xi.
[1233] συνεξεταζόμενός μοι διὰ τῶν εὐχῶν. Jerome renders it: Salutat vos Narcissus, qui ante me hic tenuit episcopalem locum et nunc mecum eundem orationibus regit.
[1234] ηνυκώς.
[1235] The text gives ὁμοίως ἐμοὶ φρονῆσαι. Several of the codices and also Nicephorus give the better reading, ὁμοίως ἐμοὶ ὁμοφρονῆσαι, which is confirmed by the interpretations of Rufinus and Jerome.
III. From an Epistle to Origen.
[1236] In Euseb., Hist. Eccles., ch. xiv.
[1237] [This contemporary tribute confirms the enthusiastic eulogy of the youthful Gregory. See p. 38, supra.]
IV. From an Epistle to Demetrius, Bishop of Alexandria.
[1238] In Euseb., Hist. Eccles., ch. xix.
[1239] Demetrius is, for honour’s sake, addressed in the third person. Perhaps ἡ σὴ ἁγιότης or some such form preceded.
[1240] ὁμιλεῖν.
[1241] [This precise and definite testimony is not to be controverted. It follows the traditions of the Synagogue (Acts xiii. 15), and agrees with the Pauline prescription as to the use of the charismata in 1 Cor. xiv. The chiefs of the Synagogue retained the power of giving this liberty, and this passed to the Christian authorities.]
Translator’s Biographical Notice.
[1242] De Decret. Nic. Syn., 25, Works, vol. i. part i. p. 230.
[1243] Epist. 4, to Serapion, sec. 9, vol. i. part ii. p. 702.
[1244] Bibl., cod. 106.
[1245] τοῦ μακαρίου Θεογνώστου ᾽Αλεξανδρέως καὶ ἐξηγητοῦ ὑποτυπώσες.
[1246] ἐξηγητοῦ.
[1247] ὑποτυπώσεις.
[1248] De Dei Creatione.
[1249] Defens. fid. Nic., sec. ii. chap. 10. [Bull always vindicates where he can do so, on the principle of justice, for which I have contended on p. v. (prefatory) of vol. iv.]
[1250] Divinit I. C., iv. 24.
[1251] Book iii., against Eunomius.
[1252] From book ii. In Athanasius, On the Decrees of the Nicene Council, sec. xxv. From the edition BB., Paris, 1698, vol. i. part i. p. 230. Athanasius introduces this fragment in the following terms:—Learn then, ye Christ-opposing Arians, that Theognostus, a man of learning, did not decline to use the expression “of the substance” (ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας). For, writing of the Son in the second book of his Outlines, he has spoken thus: The substance of the Son.—Tr.
[1253] οὐσία.
[1254] ἔξωθεν ἐφευρεθεῖσα.
[1255] ἐκ μὴ ὄντων ἐπεισήχθη.
[1256] The words in italics were inserted by Routh from a Catena on the Epistle to the Hebrews, where they are ascribed to Theognostus: “He Himself” is the Son.
[1257] ἀπόῤῥοια.
[1258] In Athanasius, Epist. 4, to Serapion, sec. 11, vol. i. part ii. p. 703.
[1259] ὅρον.
[1260] τελειώσει. [i.e., making the disciples τέλειοι. James i. 4.]
[1262] From Athanasius, as above, p. 155.
[1263] τὰ τέλεια.
[1264] Heb. vi. 4. [Compare Matt. xii. 31.]
[1265] [See Introductory Note, p. 143, supra; also p. 99, note 8, supra.]
Translator’s Biographical Notice.
[1266] Hist. Eccl., vii. 32.
[1267] Perhaps only speculatively (see Frag. II. infra), not dogmatically. Compare Wordsworth’s Platonic Ode on Immortality.]
[1268] Lardner (part ii. book i. chap. xxiv.) does not think that there was a commentary written by Pierius on this epistle, but only that the word of Paul, mentioned below, was expounded at length in some work or other by Pierius. Fabricius holds the opposite opinion.—Tr.
[1269] See Eusebius as above, Jerome in the preface to Hosea, Photius, cod. 118, 119; Epiphanius, 69, 2; Lardner, part ii. book i. chap. 24; &c.
I.—A Fragment of a Work of Pierius on the First Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians.
[1270] This very brief quotation is preserved in Jerome’s Second Epistle to Pammachius.
[1271] Latissime.
[1273] Vol. iv. p. 243, edit. Benedictin. [No doubt he does, as did his Master, Christ, before him, and under the same limitations.Matt. xix. 12.]
II.—A Section on the Writings of Pierius.
[1274] From the Bibliotheca of Photius, cod. 119, p. 300, ed. Hoeschel.
[1275] Of martyrdom.
[1276] λόγους.
[1277] ἐπιμελὲς ἐνδεικνύμενος.
[1278] [e.g., his Platonic ideas, as explained in note 3, p. 156, supra.]
[1279] ὐπόστασις. [See my remarks, vol. iv. p. v., introductory.]
[1280] [Photos must often be received with a grain of salt.]
[1281] εἰς τον λόγον. [On images, etc., Photius is no authority.]
[1282] The text here is evidently corrupt. It runs thus: οἰκονομίας δὲ λόγῳ συγχωρηθῆναι ματαιολογεῖ ὡς οὐδὲν ἦσαν ὡς ἕτερα τὰ γεγενημένα. ὡς οὐδὲ τυπον ἄλλον ἔφερε μορφῆς, ἀλλὰ μόνον πτερυγων κενολογεῖ φέρειν αὐτὰ σχῆμα. Hoeschelius proposes ὡς οὐδὲν ἦσαν, ὡς ἕτερον ἦσαν, ὡς ἕτερα, &c., and he rejects the ὡς in ὡς οὐδὲν τύπον on the authority of four codices.—Tr.
Translator’s Biographical Notice.
[1283] Hist. Eccl., vii. 32.
[1284] Præpositus cubiculariorum.
[1285] See Neander’s Church History, vol. i. p. 197 (Bohn). [Christians began to be preferred for their probity. Diocletian’s reign at first gave the Church a long peace (see vol. iv. p. 126) of well-nigh ten years.]
The Epistle of Theonas, Bishop of Alexandria, to Lucianus, the Chief Chamberlain.
[1286] In Dacherii Spicilegium, iii. pp. 297–299.
[1287] In salutis nostræ unicum remedium.
[1289] Ascriptus.
[1290] [A beautiful concern of our author for the honour of the Master seems to have dictated this noble letter. Matt. v. 16.]
[1292] Nudum.
[1293] [See note 1, p. 108, supra.]
[1294] Qui zelo fidei inceditis.
[1297] [A most important hint to the clergy in their accounts with the Church.]
[1299] Murrhine vessels were first introduced into Rome by Pompey. They were valued chiefly for their variegated colours, and were extremely costly. Some think they were made of onyx stone, others of variegated glass: but most modern writers suppose that what is meant was some sort of porcelain.
[1300] [A lofty spirit of liberal love for literature is here exemplified.]
[1301] It is from these words that the inference is drawn that this epistle was written by a Greek.
[1302] [The teachings of Clement had formed the minor morals of Christians. See vol. ii. book ii. pp. 237, 284.]
[1303] [Thus is reflected the teaching of St. Paul, 1 Tim. v. 2. All women to be honoured, and “all purity” to characterize society with them.]
[1308] [Blessed spirit of primitive piety! Is not this rule too much relaxed in our own Laodicean age?]
[1309] Phil. iv. 7. [How much there is in this letter which ought to prick the consciences of wealthy and “fashionable” Christians of our day!]
Translator’s Biographical Notice.
[1310] De vir. illustr., chap. 78.
[1311] Hist. Eccles., viii. 9 and 10.
[1312] [His diocese belonged to the region over which Alexandria had the primacy by the “ancient usages.”]
Fragments of the Epistle of Phileas to the People of Thmuis.
[1313] In Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., viii. 10.
[1315] χριστοφόροι. So Ignatius of Antioch was called θεοφόρος, God-bearer. [Vol. i. pp. 45, 49, this series.]
[1317] ξύλοις. What is meant, however, may be the instrument called by the Romans equuleus, a kind of rack in the shape of a horse, commonly used in taking the evidence of slaves.
[1318] μαγγάνοις τισί.
[1319] The text gives ἀμυντηρίοις ἐκόλαζον, for which Nicephorus reads ἀμυντηριοις τὰς κολάσεις. The ἀμυντηρια were probably the Latin ungulæ, an instrument of torture like claws. So Rufinus understands the phrase.
[1320] ἡγεμών. That is probably the Roman Præfectus Augustalis.
[1321] τῆς ἐπαράτου ἐλευθέρίας.
[1322] [It is impossible to accept modern theories of the inconsiderable number of the primitive martyrs, in view of the abounding evidences of a chronic and continuous persecution always evidenced by even these fragments of authentic history. See vol. iv. p. 125.]
[1325] Eusebius, after quoting these passages, adds:—“These are the words of a true philosopher, and one who was no less a lover of God than of wisdom, which, before the final sentence of his judge, and while he lay yet in prison, he addressed to the brethren in his church, at once to represent to them in what condition he was himself, and to exhort them to maintain steadfastly, even after his speedy death, their piety towards Christ.”—Tr.
The Beginning of the Epistle of the Bishops.
[1326] This epistle was first edited by Scipio Maffeius from an ancient Verona manuscript in the Osserv. Letter, vol. iii. pp. 11–17, where is given the Fragment of a History of the Meletian Schism. See Neander’s important remarks on this whole document, Church History, iii. p. 310 (Bohn).—Tr.
[1327] Zelo meliorum.
[1328] [Parishes = dioceses (so called now); but they were very small territorially, and every city had its “bishop.” See Bingham, book ix. cap. 2, and Euseb., book v. cap. 23. Comp. note 1, p. 106, supra.]
[1329] Bene nimis magna.
[1330] [The bishops of Alexandria are called popes to this day, and were so from the beginning. See vol. v. p. 154.]
[1331] [Peter succeeded Theonas as sixteenth bishop and primate of Alexandria. See vol. iv. p. 384; also Neale, Pat of Alex., i. p. 90.]
[1332] Oportuerat ex populo properare ac nos exigere pro merito.
[1333] Sub arguente.
[1334] The manuscript reads chrismata, for which schismata is proposed.
[1335] Provisoris—perhaps rather, The Provider—the saint who with careful forethought has mapped out our proper course in such matters.
[1337] Erga illum providentiam.
[1338] The manuscript gives ordinando adnuntias, for which is proposed ordinandi. Adnuntiamus.
[1339] Reading studeas for studetur.
The Conclusion of the Epistle of the Bishops.
[1340] Cupiditatem.
[1341] Ut cogniscatur concupiscentia Meletii.
[1342] The text is—Commendans ei occasionem Meletius, separavit eos, &c.; on which see especially Neander, iii. p. 311 (Bohn).
[1343] This epistle is given elsewhere. [This volume, infra.]
Translator’s Biographical Notice.
[1344] [Another glorious product of the school of Alexandria.]
[1345] Απολ. χοντρ. Ρυφ., βοοκ ι. νυμ. 9, Ωορκσ, ιι. π. 465.
[1346] Proprii operis nihil omnino scripsit, exceptis epistolis quas ad amicos forte mittebat; in tantum se humiltate dejecerat.
[1347] Bibl. Cod., cxviii. p. 295.
[1348] Ibid., vi. 32.
[1349] Ibid., vii. 32.
[1350] Ibid., viii. 13.
[1351] [Evidently he impressed Eusebius as an extraordinary man in an age of colossal minds, and we must lament the loss of his writings.]
An Exposition of the Chapters of the Acts of the Apostles.
[1352] This ἔκθεσιςwas edited under the name of Euthalius, Bishop of Sulce, towards the end of the preceding century, by Laurentius Zacagnius, in the collection of Monumenta Vetera, p. 428, published at Rome. Fabricius also compared the edition of Montfaucon with the Roman. This collation is added here.—Migne.
[1353] The text is νέοι χρόνῳ τε καὶ μαθημάτων, ἑκάστου, &c.; for which Euthal., χρόνων τε καὶ μαθημάτων παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἑκάστου.
[1354] συμπεριφορὰν κομιζόμενοι.
[1355] But Euthal., διὰ μὲν τοῦ μέλανος…διὰ δὲ τοῦ κινναβάρεως, i.e., by the different colours of black and vermilion.
[1356] These marks are wholly wanting in the Coislin Codex, from which Montfaucon edited the piece. But they are found in the Vatican Codex.—Tr.
[1357] Euthal. adds, καὶ περὶ τῆς ἐνδόξου καὶ δευτέρας αὐτοῦ παρουσίας, i.e., and of His glorious and second coming.
[1358] ἀποβολῆς.
[1359] But Euthal. ἀποστολῆς, apostleship.
[1360] ἐπιφοιτήσεως.
[1361] κατηχήσεως.
[1362] But Euthal., αὐτῶν, their.
[1363] ἐπιστασία.
[1364] Euthal. inserts περὶ ἀπειλῆς, and of the threatening of the chief priests.
[1365] ἐπὶ τῶ ὀνόματι; but Euthal., ἐπὶ τὸ ὄνομα.
[1366] Reading ἀνέσεως with Euthal., instead of ἀνανεώσεως.
[1367] θεοφανεία.
[1368] ἐδίδοτο; Euthal., δίδοται is given.
[1369] ὅτι οὐκ ἀργυρίου; Euthal., οὐ δι᾽ ἀργυρίου.
[1370] Euthal., διὰ Βαρνάβαν, on Barnabas’s account.
[1371] Euthal. inserts πάλιν, again.
[1372] The text is ὧν εἶπεν ὁ ἄγγελος, &c. But Euthal., ὧν ὁ ἄγγελος ἐπεμαρτύρησε καὶ ὑφηγήσατο, which the angel testified and showed.
[1373] διακριθεῖσι πρὸς αὐτόν.
[1374] The text gives οἰκουμενικῆς; Euthal., οἰκουμένης.
[1375] The text gives κατασφαγῆς; Euthal., καταστροφῆς.
[1376] Euthal., εἰργάσαντο, they did.
[1377] εὐθαλής.
[1378] Reading φυλακτέων with Euthal., instead of φυλακέων.
[1379] The text gives πανεύτιος; Euthal., πανέστιος. Montfaucon reads πανοικί.
[1380] But Euthal., Κρίσπου, Crispus.
[1381] προσχωρεῖν; Euthal., ἐγχειρεῖν.
[1382] Euthal., παραίνεσις ποιμαντική, pastoral exhortation.
[1383] κατάστασις.
[1384] εὐθυβόλως, perhaps here, as Montfaucon makes it, sagaciously.
[1385] Euthal., ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, before him.
[1386] Euthal., κατὰΠαῦλον, against Paul.
[1387] Euthal., διὰ κινναβάρεως, with the vermilion.
Translator’s Biographical Notice.
[1388] Hist. Eccles., vii. 29.
[1389] ἀνὴρ τά τε ἄλλα λόγιος.
[1390] De viris illustr., ch. 71.
[1391] In Eusebius, vii. 30. [Elucidation I., p. 172.]
I.—The Epistle Written by Malchion,In Name of the Synod of Antioch, Against Paul of Samosata.
[1392] παροικίᾳ [= jurisdiction. See p. 163, note 3, supra.]
[1393] ἀρνησιθέου.
[1394] καταβραβεύων, perhaps = "receiving" bribes from.
[1396] δουκηνάριος, the name given under the Emperors to those procurators who received 200 sestertia of annual salary.
[1397] ὑπαγορεύων. [Letters, e.g., from Zenobia.]
[1398] σήκρητον (from the Latin secerno, to separate) was the name given to the elevated place, railed in and curtained, where the magistrate sat to decide cases.
[1399] κατασείουσι ταῖς ὀθόναις, alluding to the custom of shaking the oraria or linen handkerchiefs as a token of applause. [Elucid. II.]
[1400] συνεισάκτους γυναῖκας, priests’-housekeepers. See Lange on Nicephorus vi. 30, and B. Rhenanus on Rufinus, vii. The third canon of the Nicene Council in the Codex Corbeiensis has this title, De subintroductis id est adoptivis sororibus. Of the subintroduced, that is, the adopted sisters.See also on the abuse, Jerome, in the Epistle to Eustochius. They appear also to have been called commanentes and agapetæ. See the note of Valesius in Migne. [Vol. ii. p. 47, and (same vol.) Elucidation II. p. 57.]
[1401] ἱερατεῖον.
[1402] Referring either to Proverbs vi. or to Ecclesiasticus 25.
[1403] ἐξορχησάμενον, danced away.
[1404] ἐμπομπεύοντα.
[1405] κοινωνικὰ γράμματα. On this Valesius gives the following note:—The Latins call these litteræ communicatoriæ, the use of which is of very ancient date in the Church. They called the same also formatæ, as Augustine witnesses in Epistle 163. There were, moreover, two kinds of them. For there were some which were given to the clergy and laity when about to travel, that they might be admitted to communion by foreign bishops. And there were others which bishops were in the way of sending to other bishops, and which they in turn received from others, for the purpose of attesting their inter-communion; of which sort the Synod speaks here. These were usually sent by recently-ordained bishops soon after their ordination. Augustine, Epistle 162; Cyprian, in the Epistle to Cornelius, p. 320; and the Synodical Epistle of the Council of Sardica, appear to refer to these, though they may refer also to the formatæ. [Vol. i. p. 12, n. 9.]
[1406] In Leontius of Byzantium, contra Nestor., book iii., towards the end.
[1407] Copulatus erat.
[1408] Congeneratum.
[1409] Secundum qualitatem.
[1410] Formationem.
[1411] We say, that as the exterior and the interior man are one person, so God the Word and humanity have been assumed as one person, a thing which Paul denies.—Can.
[1412] Alia est apud ipos.
[1413] Secundum disciplinam et participationem. Paul of Samosata used to say that the humanity was united with the Wisdom as instruction (disciplina) is united with the learner by participation.—Can. [See Hooker, book v. cap. 52, sec. 4.]
[1414] Expers.
[1415] Passionum, sufferings.
[1416] Principaliter.
[1417] Secundario, i.e., κατὰ δεύτερον λόγον.—Turrian.
[1418] συνουσιωμένος τῷ ἀνθρωπίνῳ.
III.—From the Acts of the Disputation Conducted by Malchion Against Paul of Samosata.
[1419] In Petrus Diaconus, De Incarnat. ad Fulgentium, ch. 6. Among the works of Fulgentius, Epistle 16.
[1420] Ex simplicibus fit certe compositum.
[1421] Compositionem.
[1422] Quia sapientia dispendium patiatur et ideo composita esse non possit—the sense intended being perhaps just that Paul alleged that the divine Wisdom admitted of being dispensed or imparted to another, but not of being substantially united with him.—Tr.
[1423] Exinanisset.
[1424] Some read alter in altero, others alter in altera.
IV.—A Point in the Same Disputation.
[1425] From the same Acts in Leontius, as above.
[1426] οὐσιῶσθαι.
[1427] In toto Salvatore.
II. (Putting a stop to psalms, etc., p. 170.)
[1428] Notes on English Divines, vol. i. p. 199.
[1429] Ibid., p. 313.
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