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Julius Africanus
Introductory Notice to Julius Africanus.
[1027] Vol. ii. p. 87, this series.
[1028] Vol. iv. p. 227.
[1029] On St.Matt. i. 1-17.
[1030] Vol. iv. p. 385.
[1031] Hist. Eccl., vi. 31.
[1032] Cod. 34.
[1033] This letter, as given by Eusebius, is acephalous. A large portion of it is supplied by Cardinal Angelo Mai in the Bibliotheca nova Patrum, vol. iv. pp. 231 and 273. We enclose in brackets the parts wanting in Gallandi, who copied Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., i. 7). On this celebrated letter of Africanus to Aristides, consult especially Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., i. 7); also Jerome, comm. on Matt. i. 16; Augustine, Retract., ii. 7; Photius, cod. xxxiv. p. 22; and in addition to these, Zacharias Chrysopol. in Bibl. P. P. Lugd., vol. xix. p. 751.
[1034] δικαίως.
[1038] 1 Cor. xv. 12, etc.
[1039] Here what is given in Eusebius begins.
[1040] Reading συνεπεπλάκη. Migne would make it equivalent to “superimplexum est.” Rufinus renders it, “Reconjunctum namque est sibi invicem genus, et illud per Salomonem et illud quod per Nathan deducitur,” etc.
[1041] ἀναστάσεσιν ἀτέκνων. Rufinus and Damascenus omit these words in their versions of the passage.
[1042] The reading of the Codex Regius is ἀκολουθίαν, i.e., succession; the other leading mss. give ἐπολλαγήν, i.e. interchange or confusion.
[1043] But in our text in Luke iii. 23, 24, and so, too, in the Vulgate, Matthat and Levi are inserted between Heli and Melchi. It may be that these two names were not found in the copy used by Africanus.
[1044] Here Africanus applies the term “widow” (χηρεύουσαν) to one divorced an well as to one bereaved.
[1045] κατὰ λόγον.
[1046] Two things may be remarked here: first, that Africanus refers the phrase “as was supposed” not only to the words “son of Joseph,” but also to those that follow, “the son of Heli;” so that Christ would be the son of Joseph by legal adoption, just in the same way as Joseph was the son of Heli, which would lead to the absurd and impious conclusion that Christ was the son of Mary and a brother of Joseph married by her after the death of the latter. And second, that in the genealogy here assigned to Luke, Melchi holds the third place; whence it would seem either that Africanus’s memory had failed him, or that as Bede conjectures in his copy of the Gospel Melchi stood in place of Matthat (Migne). [A probable solution.]
[1047] Other mss. read, “Adam the son of God.”
[1048] The word “priest” is used here perhaps improperly for “servant of the temple,” i.e., ἱερεύς for ἱερόδουλος.
[1049] So Josephus styles him “procurator of Judea, and viceroy” (ἐπιμελητὴς τῆς ᾽Ιουδαίας, and ἐπίτροπος).
[1050] This whole story about Antipater is fictitious. Antipater’s father was not Herod, a servant in the temple of Apollo, but Antipater an Idumean, as we learn from Josephus (xiv. 2). This Antipater was made prefect of Idumea by Alexander king of the Jews, and laid the foundation of the power to which his descendants rose. He acquired great wealth, and was on terms of friendship with Ascalon, Gaza, and the Arabians.
[1051] Several mss. read ἀρχιπροσηλύτων for ἄχρι προσηλύτων, whence some conjecture that the correct reading should be ἄχρι τῶν ἀρχιπροσηλύτων, i.e., back to the “chief proselytes,”—these being, as it were, patriarchs among the proselytes, like Achior, and those who joined the Israelites on their flight from Egypt.
[1052] This word occurs in the Septuagint version of Ex. xii. 19, and refers to the strangers who left Egypt along with the Israelites. For Israel was accompanied by a mixed body, consisting on the one hand of native Egyptians, who are named αὐτόχθονες in that passage of Exodus, and by the resident aliens, who are called γειῶραι. Justin Martyr has the form γηόραν in Dialogue with Trypho, ch. cxxii. The root of the term is evidently the Hebrew רג, “stranger.”
[1053] The word δεσπόσυνοι was employed to indicate the Lord’s relatives, as being His according to the flesh. The term means literally, “those who belong to a master,” and thence it was used also to signify “one’s heirs.”
[1054] προειρημένην. Nicephorus reads προκειμένην.
[1055] ἐκ τε τῆς βίβλου τῶν ἡμερῶν. By this “Book of Days” Africanus understands those “day-books” which he has named, a little before this, ἱδιωτικὰς ἀπογραφάς. For among the Jews, most persons setting a high value on their lineage were in the habit of keeping by them private records of their descent copied from the public archives, as we see it done also by nobles among ourselves. Besides, by the insertion of the particle τε, which is found in all our codices, and also in Nicephorus, it appears that something is wanting in this passage. Wherefore it seems necessary to supply these words, καὶ ἀπὸ μνήμης ἐς ὅσον ἐξικνοῦντο, “and from memory,” etc. Thus at least Rufinus seems to have read the passage, for he renders it: Ordinem supradictæ generationis partim memoriter, partim etiam ex dierum libris, in quantum erat possibile, perdocebant (Migne).
[1056] [Elucidation I.]
II.—Narrative of Events Happening in Persia on the Birth of Christ.
[1057] Edited from two Munich codices by J. Chr. von Aretin, in his Beiträge zur Geschichte und Literatur, anno 1804, p. ii. p. 49. [I place this apocryphal fragment here as a mere appendix to the Genealogical Argument. An absurd appendix, indeed.]
[1058] Which is extant in two mss. in the Electoral Library of Munich, and in one belonging to the Imperial Library of Vienna.
[1059] The mss. read γάρ, for.
[1060] The term in the original (ἀλκλαρίαις) is one altogether foreign to Greek, and seems to be of Arabic origin. The sense, however, is evident from the use of synonymous terms in the context.
[1061] There is a play upon the words, perhaps, in the original. The Greek term for Juno (῞Ηρα) may be derived from ἔρα, terra, so that the antithesis intended is, “She is no longer called Earthly, but Heavenly.”
[1062] i.e., Fountain, Spring, or Stream.
[1063] The initial letters of the Greek ᾽Ιησοῦς Χριστὸς Θεοῦ Υἱὸς Σωτήρ, i.e., “Jesus Christ the Son of God the Savior,” when joined together, make the word ἱχθύς, i.e., fish; and the fathers used the word, therefore, as a mystic symbol of Christ, who could live in the depth of our mortality as in the abyss of the sea. [Vol. ii. p. 297.]
[1064] i.e., as sea, land, and sky
[1065] θείας τύχης σύλλημμα.
[1066] ἔλλραφος.
[1067] ἐμπράκτου.
[1068] The text gives θροβαδεῖ, for which Migne proposes θορύβηθι.
[1069] πρακτικοὺς φόρους.
[1070] τί τὸ ἐπόμενον, perhaps meant for, What business brings you?
[1071] ὑπὲρ μαντείας ἀρίστης ὥσπερ κατατοξευόμενοι.
[1072] ὁρμωμένη.
[1073] Βηθλεωτῶν.
[1074] μακρὰς τὰς χεῖρας according to Migne, instead of the reading of the manuscript, μακρὶν τὴν κῆραν ἔχουσα.
[1075] σιτόχροος.
[1076] διοπετεῖ.
[1077] The manuscripts give ἀντάρτας, for which Migne proposes ἀνθρώπους or ἀντεργάτας. [Unworthy, wholly so, of our author. This curious specimen of the romances of antiquity might better have found its place with other Protevangelia in vol. viii., this series.]
[1078] συνταξάμενοι.
I. On the Mythical Chronology of the Egyptians and Chaldeans.
[1079] In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 17, ed. Paris, 14 Venet.
[1080] The text is:…συμπίπτουσι ταῖς ὀκτὼ καὶ ἐννέα χιλιάσιν ἑτῶν, ἃς Αιγυπτιων οι παρὰ Πλατωνι ἱερεῖς εις Σόλωνα καταριθμοῦτες οὐκ ἀληθεύουσι.
[1081] In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 19, al. 15.
[1082] The text here is manifestly corrupt: ἐπιμιχθέντων αὐτῶν, τὴν ἀγανάκτησιν ποιήσασθαι τὸν Θεόν.
[1083] In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 81, al. 65.
[1084] In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 21, al. 17.
[1085] That is, in Armenia.
[1086] For there was a hill Ararat in Phrygia, from which the Marsyas issued, and the ark was declared to have rested there by the Sibylline oracles. [But see vol. v. p. 149.]
[1087] In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 83, al. 67.
[1088] In the same, p. 86, al. 68.
[1089] In the same, p. 93, al. 74. [Compare vol. v. p. 148.]
[1090] In the same, p. 99, al. 79. [רבַעָ is the verb.]
[1091] In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 100, al. 80.
[1092] λήγει τε παντὶ ὕδατι πάσχων τὰἐνάντια.
[1093] ὡς πορφύραν.
[1094] In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 107, al. 86.
[1095] Heliogabalus is probably intended, in whose time Africanus flourished. At least so thinks Syncellus.
[1096] On this terebinth, see Scaliger (ad Græca Euseb., p. 414); Franciscus Quaresimus, in Elucid. terræ sanctæ; Eugenius Rogerius, etc.; and also Valesius, ad Euseb. De Vit. Constant., iii. 53, notes 3 and 5.
[1097] Scaliger acknowledges himself ignorant of this word ἐκτενας. In the Eastern Church it is used to denote protracted prayers (preces protensiores) offered by the deacon on behalf of all classes of men, and the various necessities of human life. See Suicer, sub voce. Allatius thinks the text corrupt, and would read, ἐφ᾽ ὃν τά ὁλοκαυτώματα καὶ τὰς ἑκατόμβας ἀνεφερον = on which they offered both holocausts and hecatombs. [Littledale, Eastern Offices, p. 253.]
[1098] In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 106, al 85.
[1099] In the same, p. 148, al. 118, from the Third Book of the Chron. of Africanus.
[1100] συντάγματος.
[1101] Others write Ogyges. Josephus (in Apionem), Euseb. (de Præpar.). Tatian [vol. ii. p. 81], Clemens [not so, vol. ii. p. 324], and others write Ogygus.
[1102] The text is, ὃς τοῦ πρωτοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ γέγονεν ἑπώνυμος. The word ἑπώνυμος is susceptible of two meanings, either “taking the name from” or “giving the name to.” ᾽Ωγυγια κακα was a proverbial expression for primeval ills.
[1103] The text is here, κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον τοῦ λαοῦ μετὰ Μωυσέως ἔξοδον γενέσθαι, for which we may read κατὰ τὴν ἑξ Αἱγυπτου, etc.
[1104] ῞Ωγυγον ᾽Ακταῖον ἢ τὰ πλασσόμενα τῶν ὀνομάτων. Compare xiii. 6, where we have τὸν γὰρ μετὰ ῞Ωγυγον ᾽Ακταῖον, etc.
[1105] From Georgius Syncellus, Chron., Third Book. In Euseb., Præpar., x. 40. [Compare vol. ii. pp. 324–334.]
[1106] ἠκριβῶντο.
[1107] There is a difficulty in the text; Viger omits “Athenian.”
[1108] The Latin translator expunges the “and” (καί), and makes it = more careful than all the Attic writers.
[1109] The original here, as in the same passage above, is corrupt. It gives κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον, which Migne would either omit entirely or replace by ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου.
[1110] These words are inserted according to Viger’s proposal, as there is a manifest omission in the text.
[1111] From Georgius Syncellus, Third Book. In the Chron. Paschal., p. 104, ed. Paris, 84 Venet.
[1112] From the same, Book III., and from Book IV. In Syncellus p. 197, al. 158.
[1113] The text is, ἀναγραφῆναι δὲ πρώτην τὴν τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτην, etc.
XVI. On the Seventy Weeks of Daniel.
[1114] From Book v. In Eusebius, Demonst. Evang., Book VIII. ch. ii. p. 389, etc. The Latin version of this section is by Bernardinus Donatus of Verona. There is also a version by Jerome given in his commentary on Dan. ix. 24.
[1115] Jerome in his version gives the 15th (quintum decimum).
[1116] In Syncellus, p. 307, al. 244.
[1117] The sense is doubtful here: καὶ ὡς οὐδὲν ἠξίου πιστεύεσθαι ἔστ᾽ ἂν καταχθῇ εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀρχήν, etc.
[1118] There is a break here in the original.
[1119] This is according to the rendering of the Latin version.
[1120] Here again there is a blank in the original.
[1121] The text is corrupt here. It gives, ἐν τῷ μεσαιολίῳ, a word unknown in Greek. Scaliger reads Μαισαιόλιον. Goarus proposes Μαυσωλαῖον, which we adopt in the translation.
[1122] i.e., sun and moon.
[1123] Samaria was so named in reference to its restoration by Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria. See Josephus (Antiq., book xiv. ch. x.), who states that Gabinius traversed Judea, and gave orders for the rebuilding of such towns as he found destroyed; and that in this way Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Antedon, Raphia, Dora, Marissa, and not a few others, were restored.
[1124] The text is: ἦν ᾽Ολυμπιὰς ρπθ᾽, ἥτις πρὸ * καλανδῶν Μαρτίων κατὰ ᾽Αντιοχεῖς κδ᾽ ἔτει ἤχθη, δι᾽ ἧς ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων ὁρίων ἔστη ὁ ἐνιαυτός. In every fourth year the 24th day of February ( = vi. Cal. Mart.) was reckoned twice. There were three different eras of Antioch, of which the one most commonly used began in November 49 b.c. Migne refers the reader to the notes of Goarus on the passage, which we have not seen. The sense of this obscure passage seems to be, that that period formed another fixed point in chronology.
XVIII. On the Circumstances Connected with Our Saviour’s Passion and His Life-Giving Resurrection.
[1125] In Georgius Syncellus, Chron., p. 322 or 256.
[1126] ἕν τι κατὰ τὴν ὄψιν. [Vol. iii. p. 58, Elucid. V., this series.]
[1127] διὰ τὴν λεπτολογίαν.
[1128] Or, on a table; ὡς ἐν γραφῇ.
[1129] The text in the beginning of this section is hopelessly corrupt. Scaliger declares that neither could he follow these things, nor did the man that dreamt them understand them. We may subjoin the Greek text as it stands in Migne: Μεταξυ δὲ τοῦ λέγειν τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἡμερῶν τξε, καὶ τετραμορίου, καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ ιθ᾽ τῆς νυχθημέρου, μερῶν έ…εἰς τὰ υοέ, ἡμέραι τὸ παράλληλον εἰσὶ *, καὶ τετραμόριον. ῎Ετι γε μὴν τὸν τῆς σελήνης μῆνα κατὰ τὴν ἀκριβῆ λεπτολογίαν εὑρισκομεν κθ᾽, καὶ ἡμισείας ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτὸς διαιρεθείσης εἰς μέρη σέ, τούτων τὰ ο᾽, καὶ ἥμισυ…ἃ γίνεται ἐννενηκοστοτέταρτα τρία.
[1130] καταγίνεται.
[1134] In Basil, De Spiritu Sancto, ch. xxix. § 73; Works, vol. iii. p. 61, edit. Paris. [Elucidation II.]
[1135] For ῥημάτων, words, three mss. give ῥητῶν, sayings.
[1136] For ἡμῖν Πατρί there is another reading, ἡμων πατράσι = to Him who gave to our fathers.
[1137] These words, “and our Lord,” are wanting in three mss.
IV.—The Passion of St. Symphorosa and Her Seven Sons.
[1138] Gallandi, Bibl. Patrum, vol. i. Proleg. p. lxxi. and p. 329.
[1139] See Eusebius, Life of Constantine, ii. 50.
[1140] The Martyrologies celebrate their memory on the 10th June: one of the Colbert mss. gives Zoticus for Getulius.
[1141] A Colbert ms. gives “laudantes” = praising.
[1142] This response, along with the next interrogation, is wanting in the Colbert manuscript.
[1143] Sur., Card., and the Colbert Codex give “Zoticus.”
[1144] The Colbert Codex reads “Extacteus;” Cardulus gives “Stacteus,” by which name he is designated beneath by them all.
[1145] In one of the Colbert codices, and in another from the Sorbonne, there is a passage inserted here about the death of Adrian, which is said to have happened a little after that of these martyrs.
[1146] Routh, Reliqu. Sacræ, vol. ii. pp. 233, 339, 341, 355. Compare also vol. ii. 334 and 346, this series.
[1147] Also on the Seventy Weeks (p. 134, supra), vol. i. pp. 227–240 and 322.
[1148] Origines Sacræ, vol. i. pp. 64–120.
[1149] Works, vol. ii. pp. 457–468.
[1150] See Introductory Notice, p. 123, note 4, supra.
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